1. Theresa May hasn’t actually called a general
election yet. She can’t. The Fixed Term Parliament Act leaves that
decision with the House of Commons, so in reality the fate of this putative
election lies with the other parties (see Lord Norton's short sharp analysis). If
Labour – as Corbyn has asserted – supports the call, along with the SNP and the
Lib Dems, then the one thing they cannot do is accuse May of putting party
interest before country. The Act no
longer allows her to do that. Instead,
it makes a 2/3rds majority of MPs responsible instead. Murmurings of turkeys and early Christmases
spring to mind, and I do wonder if all Labour MPs are going to sign up to
Corbyn’s suicide pact tomorrow. If they
do, then for more than a few it will be a means to hastening their unloved
leader’s end.
2. 2. Most forecasts – actually all forecasts – give the
Tories a whopping likely majority. This
is pretty solid, and it will take a small political earthquake to dislodge the Tory advantage (although…Trump, anyone?).
Therefore much of the interest will be on how the opposition forces
realign themselves. If Labour really
does head into an electoral meltdown, are the Liberal Democrats well placed to
take advantage of it? Tim Farron was far
more sure-footed today than Jeremy Corbyn, and the Lib Dems are claiming a
thousand new members in the few hours since Theresa May’s announcement. They may also benefit from the “Remain”
leaning seats currently held by Tories in south London and the south west –
some estimates put their possible gains from the Tories at 27 seats. Nevertheless, can the Lib Dems also budge
Labour in its northern heartlands? The
now redundant Manchester Gorton by-election was showing some real LD strength
thanks to a good local candidate, but can that be repeated across a swathe of
Brexit believing Labour seats?
3. 3. Will this election make UKIP formally
redundant? They are not defending any
seats since the defection of sole MP Douglas Carswell (who was never a
spiritual UKIP-er anyway) and it will be
interesting to see what happens to their 3 million 2015 votes. If they see a sharp decline, we can probably
rule them out as a political force from June 9th onwards. If we haven’t already done so.
4. 4. Theresa May has crafted this as an election on
Brexit, but does that mean she is hoping no-one will look too closely at the
rest of her domestic agenda? She is
struggling to define herself at the moment, making speeches that lean towards
One Nation conservatism but carrying out actions that suggest old style Tory
callousness. Catastrophic morale in the
NHS, short-funding of schools, budget incompetence recently over NI
contributions, craven-ness on challenging the corporate interests she claimed
to be ready to face up to….all this points to an uneasy domestic agenda that
has hardly been crafted to win popular support.
5. 5. It’s about personalities. With Brexit the dominant political item, and
no-one really having a clue about how it will or should pan out, the election
will – as so often – come down to personalities, and for May there is very
little competition. Jeremy Corbyn is as
hopeless a leader as you could hope for in your opponent, while Tim Farron will
struggle, even with an election megaphone, to make the impact he needs. By slapping down the chance of a TV debate
May has also deprived Farron of his possible “Cleggmania” moment. It was a smart move on May’s part – she had
nothing to gain from such a venture.
6. 6. Finally, the result doesn’t mean a one-party
state. Should the Tories win big – the most
likely outcome – they still face inordinate problems over the next five years,
and such a result gives both Lib Dems and Labour the chance to properly regroup
(under a new leader in Labour’s case, or with a spun off new party). Five years may seem like a lifetime to upset
liberals, but it offers May a mere two-year extension on her current
lease. In the end, that may not actually
be enough if Brexit bombs.
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